ILOILO Governor Arthur “Toto” Defensor Jr. did not heavily press the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) central office to do something with the P680-million scandal-ridden Aganan Flyover in Pavia, Iloilo in the previous years probably because he sensed the past DPWH hierarchy was inutile to solve the mess.  

Thus, he decided to act lock, stock, and barrel to address the scandal when the new DPWH administration under the leadership of fire-spewing Secretary Vince Dizon took over.

Defensor’s move was timely, acting feverishly while the iron is hot, so to speak.

The governor is aware Dizon is in the mood to let the chips fall where they may in as far as disciplinary action against erring contractors and unscrupulous DPWH minions are concerned.

Amid the flood control project anomalies crackdown, Dizon may include other substandard and neglected infrastructure projects around the country, particularly Defensor’s concern, in the ongoing blitzkrieg against irregularities committed by DPWH double-dealers and their ilk.

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Zeroing in on consultant discrepancies and delayed central office action as the main causes of the construction halt, Defensor informed Dizon in a letter, “I am writing to respectfully request a comprehensive update and clarification regarding the current status of the Aganan Flyover project in Pavia, Iloilo. The prolonged delay significantly disrupts traffic flow and continues to affect the daily lives and convenience of our residents.”

Defensor cited in his letter to Dizon that the flyover, which unwrapped in July 2020 with a 24-month target completion, has remained unfinished for years without an official resumption timeline.

The original contractor, United Technology Consolidated Partnership (UTCP), allegedly committed discrepancies in assessing the foundation depth, leading to the DPWH central office’s disapproval.

An estimated P275 million to P300 million additional funds may be needed for design revisions and rectifications tied to flawed soil testing, it was reported.

Funding for corrections has not been secured, leaving the project in limbo even if the DPWH regional office had submitted the revised design for review back to the DPWH central office.

Defensor explained: “Given these circumstances, the unresolved state of the project continues to burden the public—both in terms of daily traffic congestion and lost confidence in timely infrastructure delivery.”

Copies of the governor’s letter had been furnished to DPWH Region VI OIC Regional Director Joel F. Limpengco, Iloilo 2nd District Representative Kathryn Joyce Gorriceta, and the Infrastructure Committee of the Regional Development Council (RDC) VI.

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THE billions of pesos stolen by corrupt DPWH contractors and politicians in various flood control projects would have been enough to help rebuild the central Philippines, particularly Cebu, devastated by the magnitude 6.9 earthquake on September 30, 2025.

The money could have been used to erect shelters and edifices, build hospitals and public schools, concrete defense systems like sea walls, repair dikes and protects rivers just in case a tsunami occurs.

Most of the earthquake victims were from Bogo, a small town on one of the largest islands in the Visayas Islands, the Philippines’ central region and the place closest to the earthquake’s epicentre.

Many of them will rely on national and even international aides to rebuild their shattered lives as a result of the catastrophe.

Images coming out of Bogo showed body bags lined on the street and hundreds of people being treated in tent hospitals. Officials have warned of “a lot of damage” caused by the earthquakes.

The local authorities have appealed for volunteers with medical experience to help deal with injuries.

Buckled and cracked roads, and fallen bridges were also making access difficult for emergency services. Power lines in many places were down, meaning that it’s also been hard to speak to those affected.

Seven of those who died in Tuesday’s earthquake in Bogo had lived in a village built to house victims of Typhoon Haiyan, which struck the central Philippines 12 years ago, killing more than 6,000 people.

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According to the Science of Earthquakes, the earth has four major layers: the inner core, outer core, mantle and crust. The crust and the top of the mantle make up a thin skin on the surface of our planet.

But this skin is not all in one piece – it is made up of many pieces like a puzzle covering the surface of the earth. Not only that, but these puzzle pieces keep slowly moving around, sliding past one another and bumping into each other.

We call these puzzle pieces tectonic plates, and the edges of the plates are called the plate boundaries. The plate boundaries are made up of many faults, and most of the earthquakes around the world occur on these faults.

Since the edges of the plates are rough, they get stuck while the rest of the plate keeps moving. Finally, when the plate has moved far enough, the edges unstick on one of the faults and there is an earthquake.

While the edges of faults are stuck together, and the rest of the block is moving, the energy that would normally cause the blocks to slide past one another is being stored up.

When the force of the moving blocks finally overcomes the friction of the jagged edges of the fault and it unsticks, all that stored up energy is released.

The energy radiates outward from the fault in all directions in the form of seismic waves like ripples on a pond. The seismic waves shake the earth as they move through it, and when the waves reach the earth’s surface, they shake the ground and anything on it, like our houses and us!

Alex P. Vidal, who is now based in New York City, used to be the editor-in-chief of two leading daily newspapers in Iloilo, Philippines.—Ed

The post While the iron is hot first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.

In daily Pinoy life, delicadeza means propriety, but it also means timing, restraint, and a quiet promise not to tilt the table in your favor. A Cebu tabloid editorial once reminded candidates that, while the law allows them to speak at graduations, the decent thing is to skip the campaigning out of respect for the ceremony’s dignity. That is delicadeza as a soft guardrail. In public service, it is more than courtesy; it is duty. Our Code of Conduct (RA 6713) asks officials to avoid situations that erode trust—even when the act is technically allowed.

A sticking point here is “independent director.” They do not run day-to-day operations, but they sit at the gate—overseeing audit, risk, and governance, sometimes chairing committees and receiving fees. Global guidance says independence is about more than shares or titles; it also covers closeness of relationships and the appearance of bias. When public power intersects with a spouse’s board seat in an insurer that issued bonds to questioned projects, the legal debate may continue, but the ethical space narrows. This is why disclosure and recusal exist. They do not accuse; they protect everyone.

Follow the money to see the stakes. Contractors file performance bonds through insurers. If a project is ghost or substandard, the insurer pays government first, then chases the contractor. If the contractor cannot pay, the insurer absorbs the loss. That is why insurers care who gets bonded. The Witness Protection Program (RA 6981) adds pressure. If the Discayas become state witnesses, leverage in cases shifts—even as civil recoveries move on a separate track. That mix calls for extra caution from anyone near the orbit.

The on-air exchange turned into a civics lesson. Many cheered the clapback; many winced. Many more expect tough questions and firm answers without name-calling. Teachers know the rule by heart: be strict with ideas, be gentle with people. Language is not garnish; it signals self-control. Public trust often rests on simple habits—how you answer a hard question, how you hold your temper when the mic is live.

Fairness to media matters, too. Journalists must probe hard without prosecuting, and keep tone level. If a guest sidesteps the ethical core—disclosure and recusal—the right move is to circle back, not escalate. Public officials, for their part, should answer with facts, not insults. “Hard on the issue, soft on the person” works in radio booths and in Senate halls.

Delicadeza in action is simple. Disclose affiliations early and highlight them when a live inquiry touches them. Recuse, with reasons, when the case involves people or firms close to home. Put it in writing so the public sees the guardrails at work. We do this in schools every day: a teacher whose child joins a contest does not judge; a principal who once consulted for a supplier does not sign that purchase; a kagawad-contractor bows out of barangay bids; a manager skips the panel for a friend’s promotion. These small refusals are quiet strength, not weakness.

Back to the spark. Supporters argue the senator’s spouse never touched contractor accounts, so a board seat should not be the headline. Critics counter that an audit chair helps shape risk posture, so prudence still points to disclosure and, when needed, inhibition—especially if a senator is pushing outcomes that could touch an insurer’s exposure. There is at least one point of agreement: public trust is the real capital.

To cool the room, choose process over punchlines. Ask insurers for a short public checklist—what they bonded, when, for how much, what was collected, what’s still unpaid—and show it in the hearing and online. Explain witness protection in plain words, and post every disclosure or recusal like a school bulletin: dates, amounts, signatures. Do the work in daylight so accountability is sharp and respect intact—delicadeza, plain and simple.

As a teacher and journalist, I try to live by a simple rule: guard the work, guard the person. We guard the work by being transparent and stepping back when judgment might be doubted. We guard the person by pushing hard on issues without tearing down people. That is delicadeza in practice—quiet grit in a barong, steady enough to hold the room when the next hard hearing begins. And yes, words matter. “Tanga” must never be in the vocabulary of someone who calls himself honorable, especially during legitimate public interviews on air where dignity, not derision, should carry the day.

Doc H fondly describes himself as a “student of and for life” who, like many others, aspires to a life-giving and why-driven world grounded in social justice and the pursuit of happiness. His views do not necessarily reflect those of the institutions he is employed or connected with.

The post Delicadeza, on air first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.

WE caution everyone from jumping into conclusion that the powerful earthquake that walloped the central Philippines, particularly Cebu on September 30, 2025 was “an act of God.” 

We also don’t agree that the same magnitude of quake that blasted Negros and Iloilo on February 6, 2012 was also “an act of God.” 

Science tells us that when two blocks of the earth suddenly slip past one another, an earthquake happens. 

The surface where they slip is called the fault or fault plane, according to Earthquake Hazards Program. We believe in science and eschew superstition. 

It explains that the location below the earth’s surface where the earthquake starts is called the hypocenter, and the location directly above it on the surface of the earth is called the epicenter.

On February 8, 2012, or two days after the magnitude 6.9 earthquake struck off the coast of Tayasan, Negros Occidental and was strongly felt in Iloilo, triggering a tsunami alert and causing panic in Iloilo City, a group of Christian pastors reportedly gathered for a prayer meeting.

They agreed that God had very little to do with the powerful tremor while assessing impassable roads and damaged buildings.

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Since the earth is under the Curse from Creation, earthquakes and other natural disasters simply happen according to laws of nature.

Our earth is actually not immune to disasters like hurricanes, tornadoes, tsunamis, earthquakes.

“So how does God fit in? Intuitively, people know God is in charge. When tragedy strikes, people call out to Him,” asked Dr. Erwin Lutzer of Monergism.

“We know that when something is outside of our control, we need to call upon a higher power for help. But if people intuitively know that God is in charge, how do we explain the heart-wrenching suffering that accompanies such disasters?”

Among the numerous earthquakes that have shaken this earth, none has had such significance and publicity as the catastrophe of Lisbon. 

For the student of Bible prophecy it has a particular meaning, but Bible students were not the only ones to be impressed by it.

On November 1, 1755, the greater part of the city of Lisbon, Portugal, was destroyed. 

Besides the earthquake, a tidal wave followed and wrecked the shipping in the river Tagus on which Lisbon is built. In addition to that, fire broke out and completed the work of destruc­tion. 

Sixty thousand were said to have lost their lives, and the property damage, although it cannot be estimated accurately, was of course enormous.

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According to the Ministry, an international journal for pastors, the immediate repercussions of that Lisbon tragedy were registered in religious as well as antireligious circles. 

That was particularly true in France, where the Encyclopedists tried to vulgarize the achievements of the human mind, and where Reason had its most eloquent spokes­men. 

France was, at the time of the occurrence of the earthquake, the focal point of rational­ism. Everything was examined by the philoso­phers: the origin of the world, the creation of man, the church, education, et cetera. 

Among the most influential writers, explained the Ministry, none were more read and followed than Voltaire and Rousseau, who both saw in the Lisbon catastrophe a signif­icance that brilliantly, although tragically, proved and illustrated their systems.

Voltaire was always clear, but never well co­ordinated. He is considered an infidel, a man without a Christian’s faith, rejecting divine rev­elation; holding that the Holy Scriptures are not God’s Word, nor is the church the visible body of those “called out.” Christ was, to Vol­taire, neither the Redeemer nor God Incarnate. 

On the other hand, Voltaire was not an atheist; he was a deist, as it was intellectually fashion­able to be in the eighteenth century. While al­most all philosophers were deists, there were shades of difference in their individual beliefs.

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Voltaire believed that God is the Source of all life and substance. He was convinced of the ex­istence of God for two reasons: First, he thought that the world could not be explained without God, that is, without a “First Cause.” 

However, Voltaire thought that God the Creator cannot be reached by man, nor can God be conceived by our knowledge. But by our very reasoning we are forced to admit God’s existence, and only ignorance could attempt to define Him. 

Second, without God there is no foundation of morality, and thus God is the basis of human society. 

It was Voltaire who coined the cynical phrase, “If God did not exist, we would have to invent Him.”‘

It is evident that Voltaire’s views were not only mistaken but superficial. He could not discern spiritually because his concept of the world was that of a rationalistic investigator. 

It is especially in the field of prophetic Bible in­terpretation that Voltaire’s judgments are often erroneous and sometimes childish, particularly his pert remarks on Isaac Newton’s Observa­tions Upon the Prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St. John. 

Yet he cannot be con­sidered an atheist. One of his most outspoken statements against atheism is in his letter to the Marquis of Villevieille: “My dear Marquis, there is nothing good in Atheism…. This sys­tem is evil both in the physical realm as well as in that of morality…” 

Alex P. Vidal, who is now based in New York City, used to be the editor-in-chief of two leading daily newspapers in Iloilo, Philippines.—Ed

The post God again? first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.

But one thing is clear: these tariffs are a double-edged sword, especially for countries like the Philippines. For us, these policies could go either way. It could be bad if our exports become less competitive due to higher duties, but it could also be good — if we are able to take advantage of gaps left by other countries hit harder by US tariffs.

In other words, we need to look at both sides of the same coin. Take coffee, for example. Imagine a scenario where another coffee-exporting country faces higher US tariffs and at the same time suffers from climate change impacts — droughts, erratic rainfall, and declining yields. That’s a double whammy: one blow from policy, another from nature.

Now imagine if the Philippines, blessed with better growing conditions and lower tariffs, can step in to fill that supply gap. That’s our chance for a double rally — a boost in production and a boom in exports.

But we cannot rely on luck or weather alone. We need a plan. A real strategy.

I propose the creation of a Technical Working Group (TWG) tasked to analyze and navigate the intersection of global tariff changes and climate impacts. This TWG should include the Presidential Management Staff (PMS), NEDA, PSA, DA, DENR, DTI, DOST, DICT, DFA, and the Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PCCI).

Let’s be clear: the PMS has long been the President’s primary think tank, and historically, it worked closely with the Presidential Economic Staff (PES) and the National Computer Center (NCC).

During the time of former President Ferdinand Marcos Sr., this triumvirate laid the groundwork for planning and decision-making. The PMS did political analysis, the PES did economic forecasting, and the NCC built the software systems.

Now, the PES has evolved into NEDA, and the NCC has become the DICT. It’s high time we reunite this trio, this time powered by artificial intelligence.

We can use AI to predict where climate change will hit hardest, where tariffs create opportunities, and what products we should focus on exporting. It’s not about planting whatever we want, whenever we want, wherever we want. It’s about strategic, data-driven farming. What to plant. Where to plant. When to plant. All aligned with global demand and harvest cycles.

This is why I included the DENR in the TWG—to explore converting vacant mountains into food forests, capable of producing goods that other nations may no longer grow due to climate stress.

I also included the DTI and DFA, because now is the time to pursue economic diplomacy with a clear focus on comparative advantage and competitive advantage. We must help exporters adapt and plan based on this shifting global terrain.

Moreover, DOST and DICT must play a vital role in embedding science, technology, and AI into our export strategies. Let’s also stop exporting raw materials we can already process ourselves. Value-added exports must be our path forward.

And what of the industries in other countries that are now suffering from this double whammy?

Perhaps we can even invite their factories to relocate here, especially if we offer lower tariffs and better conditions. This, too, should be studied by the TWG.

Our success in this evolving global order doesn’t require us to win in everything—we just need to win in areas where we have the edge and strategically concede where we don’t.

In conclusion, this is not just about trade. It’s about survival and strategy. If we don’t act, we will be the ones suffering both the double whammy and the double rally—but in reverse.

The time to act is now. Let’s not let this rare opportunity pass. And one more thing: include the private sector, especially economic thinkers from the PCCI, so our strategies are grounded not just in theory, but in real business sense. Because in the end, it’s not about avoiding the storm—it’s about learning to sail with the winds of change.

The post Double rally and double whammy first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.

The post Tourism beyond slogans first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.

Even if we are very angry at the level of corruption allegedly committed by the likes of Zaldy Co, Martin Romualdez, Sara Duterte, Joel Villanueva, Bong Revilla, Chiz Escudero, Jinggoy Estrada, among other high and mighty political clan kings and queens linked to misuse of intelligence funds and flood control project anomalies, we reject any act of barbarism as a punitive measure.

Which probably explains why we can’t duplicate what happened recently in Indonesia and Nepal.

We still hold the record of owning the most peaceful revolution in history—the 1986 EDSA Revolution. There are rosaries and flowers, but no bloodbath when we drive away dictators, ruffians and plunderers.
 
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In Indonesia and Nepal, protesters against graft and corruption and abuse of power by government officials were willing to vandalize government facilities and infrastructures at all costs and execute rapacious and greedy public officials by hook or by crook.

Filipinos, the only Christian inhabitants in Asia, could hardly replicate it. Not even close to duplicating it.

On September 21, 2025, a small number of Pinoy “protesters” wanted to do what the Indonesians and Nepalese did to their governments but failed miserably because they weren’t legitimate rallyists agitating for genuine reforms and social justice.

They were bandits, gangsters and paid troublemakers who couldn’t even understand what they were fighting for, and why they needed to turn violent while marching toward the parameters of Malacanang.

Criminals can’t be reformers or dispensers of social justice.

When it comes to mob, we are good at assembling it in the guise of expressing or to seek redress for our legitimate grievances against massive graft and corruption and plunder, but as to the real objectives and mission, we aren’t united.

Going back to the guillotine. Many Filipinos continue to advocate for death penalty while a broad segment of the population spurns it mainly because of religious and cultural considerations.
 
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Now that graft and corruption has turned deadly, or is now in the level where the Philippines will almost collapse economically, many Filipinos have now openly expressed their pent-up outrage not only in the social media, but also in the streets—and we’re referring to legitimate protest actions being initiated by the multi-sectoral segments of society that continue to grow.

For a lot of people, a mention of the French Revolution conjures up images of wealthy nobles being led to the guillotine.

Many have been left with the impression the revolution was chiefly about chopping off the heads of kings, queens, dukes and other cashed-up aristocrats, thanks to countless movies, books and half-remembered history lessons, according to The Conversation.

The Bastille Day and what is known in French as Quatorze Juillet–a date commemorating events of July 14 in 1789 that came to symbolize the French Revolution—it’s worth correcting this common misconception.

In fact, most people executed during the French Revolution–and particularly in its perceived bloodiest era, the nine-month “Reign of Terror” between autumn 1793 and summer 1794–were commoners.

Among those who died under the “national razor” (the guillotine’s nickname) were King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette, many revolutionary leaders such as Georges Danton, Louis de Saint-Just and Maximilien Robespierre. Scientist Antoine Lavoisier, pre-romantic poet Andre Chenier, feminist Olympe de Gouges and legendary lovers Camille and Lucie Desmoulins were among its victims.

But it wasn’t just “celebrities” executed at the guillotine.
 
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If we have the guillotine in the Philippines and the death penalty, those expected to be executed are politicians who have repeatedly stolen the taxpayers’ money by hundreds of millions and even billions.

There are the so-called “repeat offenders” who had spent years in jail for plunder and yet were able to wiggle out from their crimes against the taxpayers because of political affiliations and manipulations.  

Politicians who enriched themselves while the people suffer from neglect, betrayal, and death like in the flood control project scandal. Those who collected mansions in the Philippines and abroad, bought imported vehicles worth hundreds of millions of pesos, private planes and yachts, among other pieces of evidence of opulence and mindless show of grandiosity.

Alex P. Vidal, who is now based in New York City, used to be the editor of two leading daily newspapers in Iloilo.—Editor
 

The post Pinoys ready na for the guillotine? first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.

The intersection of road rage and gun laws is not just a matter of policy — it’s a matter of life and death. Studies consistently show that humans are more prone to aggression when they are in possession of a firearm than when they are unarmed.

It’s not hard to see why. Firearms, even when holstered, instill a sense of power. At the very least, they give their carriers an added layer of confidence — perhaps even false courage. And when that confidence meets a moment of anger, the result can be tragic.

But let’s be clear: it doesn’t have to be a gun. Road rage can turn lethal with something as mundane as a baseball bat, a golf club, or a hammer. These items can easily be kept in a car under the convenient excuse of being a sportsman or a handyman. “I just came from practice,” or “I have a house repair to do” are all-too-easy justifications.

In fairness, most people who keep such items in their vehicles likely do so for self-defense, not with the intent to attack. But rage is rage — and anger is the fuel that sets it ablaze. Whether it’s road rage or any other type of confrontation, the impulse to lash out often happens in a split second.

And that’s the problem: many of the people who fire a gun in a moment of fury didn’t plan to. They just snapped. This brings us to the laws surrounding firearm ownership and carrying rights in the Philippines.

Many don’t realize that having a License to Own and Possess Firearms (LTOPF) is not the same as having a Permit to Carry Firearms Outside of Residence (PTCFOR). The former allows one to legally own a firearm and keep it at home. The latter allows one to bring it outside. That’s a crucial distinction.

Some might argue, “But isn’t my car an extension of my home?”

While that legal fiction may exist in other countries, it does not apply here. The law is explicit: unless you have a PTCFOR, transporting a firearm in your car is illegal. Exceptions are made for on-duty law enforcement officers and military personnel, but civilians must comply strictly with these rules.

And this is where the real issue lies — not in the right to own firearms, which the law already allows, but in the ability to carry them beyond one’s residence. Should we be allowing civilians to carry deadly weapons on the streets at all? So, what should we do?

One solution is to be stricter in the issuance of the PTCFOR. Make it harder to get. Demand more accountability.

Another, more controversial solution is to prohibit the carrying of firearms outside residences altogether for civilians. It’s a hard pill to swallow, but maybe it’s time we think about it seriously.

Now, to be very clear: I am not advocating for a gun ban. Responsible citizens who qualify should still be allowed to own firearms through the LTOPF system. What I am proposing is a congressional review of the legal basis for the PTCFOR.

Let lawmakers debate this. Let them weigh public safety against personal defense. Let’s find out if the privilege of carrying firearms outside the home still serves the common good.

Meanwhile, what do we do about the road rage problem itself? Should we require psychological evaluations for all drivers renewing their licenses? Should anger management programs be mandatory for those caught in road rage incidents? Should road rage be considered a moving violation that affects a driver’s insurance premiums?

These aren’t just rhetorical questions — they’re policy ideas that deserve serious consideration. I suggest that the government commission a dedicated Technical Working Group (TWG) to study this issue. Let it be composed of experts from the Department of Transportation (DOTr), Metropolitan Manila Development Authority (MMDA), Department of Health (DOH), the UP National Center for Transportation Studies (NCTS), the Department of Science and Technology (DOST), and the Philippine Mental Health Association (PMHA).

Road rage is not just a traffic problem — it’s a public health and safety issue. At the end of the day, this is about keeping our streets safer — for our families, our children, and ourselves. Guns and cars don’t mix well, especially when tempers flare. Let’s stop pretending otherwise.

The post Road rage and gun laws first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.

INSTEAD of arguing whether they engaged in vote-buying during the elections, some members of the Iloilo City Council should focus on more important issues with direct impact on the lives of their constituents.

While vote-buying is a serious offense by any candidate seeking an elective public office, it can always take a backseat if there are more pressing matters that need to be tackled or prioritized.

Like the problem on health and sanitation especially that four tropical cyclones are expected to hit the country in October; the ear-piercing flood control tumult; the ever-controversial real property tax brouhaha; assistance for victims of storm Opong, among other urgent concerns.

The issue on vote-buying is also important and hot, and should be debated and investigated during the election season, but not when Ilonggos are expecting their aldermen to pass worthy resolutions that would redound to their benefit.

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Did former Iloilo City mayor Jed Patrick Mabilog lose his job as Special Adviser to House Speaker Martin Romualdez now that the latter has resigned as speaker and was replaced by Isabela Rep. Faustino “Bojie” Dy III?

Mabilog was appointed Special Adviser to House Speaker Martin Romualdez on May 1, 2025, or four months ago.

His appointment was officially confirmed through a memorandum signed by House Secretary General Reginald Velasco.

Since Romualdez remained as Leyte first district representative, did his office “absorb” the former city mayor in his staff?

Since Mabilog is not a Leyte resident and can’t be given a clerical position intended only, of course, for Romualdez’s province mates, it is possible his portfolio as special adviser for the former House speaker was also terminated.

Unless Dy will retain Mabilog, which is a far-fetched possibility, the former city mayor, who hid in the United States for seven years to escape the wrath and death threat from former Philippine President and now ICC detainee Rodrigo Duterte, will have to find another office where his expertise is needed while his Ilonggo constituents are hoping and waiting he will be qualified to run again in the next elections.

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PEOPLE who misuse the name of God dishonor His name and denigrate His holiness.

Like Eddie Villanueva, a party-list representative and former defeated presidential candidate, who reportedly used and even allegedly misused the name of God to threaten those who linked his son, Sen. Joel Villanueva, to flood control project anomalies.

The reason God will condemn us is because misusing his name is a very great sin.

It is a direct attack on his honor and glory, and anyone who makes such an attack deserves to be condemned.

When people break the third or any other commandment, they are guilty before God, and ultimately they will be judged for their sins.

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What God forbids is not the use of his name, then, but its misuse. To be specific, we are not to use it in a vain or empty way.

The specific misuse that God has in mind is speaking about him carelessly, thoughtlessly, or even flippantly, as if he didn’t matter or really didn’t exist at all.

God’s name has deep spiritual significance. So to treat it like something worthless is profanity in the truest sense of the word: It is to treat something holy and sacred as common and secular.

Even if he invoked the name of God, in the eyes of many Filipinos, Eddie Villanueva, or Bro. Eddie, condoned the alleged corruption of his son, who allegedly received some P160 million in kickbacks from the P600 million flood control projects.

Alex P. Vidal, who is now based in New York City, used to be the editor of two leading daily newspapers in Iloilo.—Editor

The post Did Dy absorb Mabilog? first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.

1. Prosecute fast, return the money to communities.

Set clear timelines for cases. Create joint “asset-hunt” teams (DOJ–NBI–AMLC) and publish a quarterly recovery scorecard that anyone can read on a phone. Every peso clawed back must repair real drains, widen real creeks, and fix real pumps where floods hit hardest. Justice should be felt on the street, not just written in memos.

2. Refuel the watchdogs.

The Commission on Audit lost people while mega-projects grew. Fill those posts, fund field checks, and equip auditors with satellite tools, geotag apps, and data trackers. Make open contracting the default so bids, unit costs, and change orders are public by design. It is boring work. Boring is good. Boring catches thieves.

3. Make “No coordination, no project” a hard rule.

The law already says national agencies must coordinate with LGUs. Enforce it: no mayor’s certificate, no mobilization, no fund release. Tie promotions of public works officials to proper local sign-offs and to a working drainage master plan. City engineers know where water actually goes; let them lead.

4. Pass a real Whistleblower Protection Act.

Give frontliners—engineers, bookkeepers, bank tellers—the right to report and the means to stay safe: anonymity channels, legal aid, quick relocation when needed, and rewards for information that leads to recovery. Without protectors, truth stays in pockets, not in records.

5. Finally define and ban political dynasties.

The Constitution asked for it decades ago. A clear anti-dynasty law will widen choices, reduce “back-scratching,” and ease the chokehold on budgets. Pair this with campaign finance reform, so contractors cannot bankroll candidates and collect later through padded projects.

6. Create by law an independent, time-bound fact-finding commission on infrastructure.

Craft it into a law. Give it subpoena power, a fixed 18-month life, and a public dashboard that tracks who is called, what is found, and what is fixed. Staff it with engineers, forensic accountants, and community reps, not just lawyers. Publish everything unless national security truly applies (it rarely does for culverts).

7. Name the real owners of winning firms, completely.

Require a beneficial ownership registry before any award. No more hiding behind shells. When the same people sit behind five companies with one address, we should know—and disqualify them for trying to game the system.

8. Clean the riskiest offices, starting with public works.

Separate planning from implementation to reduce conflicts. Rotate district engineers regularly. Do surprise third-party quality checks of concrete, rebar, and slope work. Require annual lifestyle and asset reviews for key posts and top contractors. Post district “report cards” online: cost, delay days, punch-list fixes, citizen complaints, and flood outcomes after big rains.

9. Build citizen audit brigades.

Neighbors with phones can do wonders. Organize barangay teams to photo-document works with dates and GPS, then upload to a public map. Law schools, accounting groups, and engineering student orgs can help verify. Churches and civic clubs can host “Budget 101” nights. Keep it peaceful, factual, and relentless.

10. Make elections count against corruption.

Movements must land on ballots. Track who blocked reforms, who slowed investigations, and who showed up for oversight. Publish simple voter guides: three facts per candidate, with sources. In 2028, let us make memory our quiet weapon.

11. Turn recovered funds into fast, visible wins.

People believe what they can see. Earmark the first recovered billions for classrooms where children still share chairs, for hospital upgrades in flood belts, and for creek widening in the 20 worst hotspots. Put a sign at each site: “Binawi sa kurapsyon, ginastos sa bayan.”

12. Keep the tent wide, the tone steady, the calendar full.

The Trillion Peso March drew people who disagree on many things but agree on this: enough. Keep that coalition. Plan 100 days of small, regular actions—teach-ins, creek walks, school-yard forums, synchronized barangay audits, weekly public summaries of hearings. Celebrate real fixes. Call out real delays. Avoid shouting matches and personality wars. Stay on the budget, the bids, the builds, the outcomes.

13. Build a multi-sector citizens’ front for clean governance.

Link unions, farmers and fishers, drivers, MSMEs, faith groups, youth and schools, influencers, think tanks, professionals, PWDs, and IPs into a standing, nonpartisan national network. Set up local chapters with a simple playbook: watch budgets, track projects, file when needed, help fix gaps, organize more campaigns. Goal: authentic, pro-active, peaceful, concerted force that keeps oligarchs and corrupt officials in check—consistently, together.

If government moves, we verify and help. If government stalls, we reconvene—peaceful, broader, better organized. This is not a one-day shout. It is a year of checklists, neighbors who show up, and a thousand small wins that dry one classroom, unclog one creek, and prove to our children that public money can do public good.

The march rang the bell. What happens next decides if it was a moment or a turn. Let us make honesty ordinary again—so common it is almost boring—and let those who steal fear not the crowd’s roar, but the country’s quiet, steady attention.

Doc H fondly describes himself as a ”student of and for life” who, like many others, aspires to a life-giving and why-driven world grounded in social justice and the pursuit of happiness. His views do not necessarily reflect those of the institutions he is employed or connected with.

The post What do we do next? first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.

JUSTICE is slow if not elusive in the Philippines. 

The moneyed sometimes escaped accountability—but not guilt—like Houdini escaping handcuffs, straitjackets, and other restraints in daring public stunts. Arcanum effugium.

If the monolithic flood control project anomalies occurred in Japan, dead bodies of politicians and even government-funded project contractors would have strewn in the rivers, sidewalks, and railroads.

No, the taxpayers wouldn’t commit the murderous binge yet; it’s the politicians and contractors themselves who would violently end their lives via harakiri, a historical form of ritual suicide. 

The shame and humiliation after being exposed as plunderers and thieves in government are unbearable and unacceptable. Japanese would prefer to “die with dignity.”

The phrase “death with dignity” is understood as the right to end one’s life with minimal suffering and to have one’s wishes for end-of-life care respected, which can involve withdrawing life-sustaining treatment, particularly in terminal cases among Japanese.

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This concept is evolving from traditional cultural views emphasizing harmony and a peaceful transition, to a modern emphasis on individual autonomy and patient rights, influenced by Western concepts of individualism and the right to refuse treatment.

We don’t have it in the Philippines. Filipino thieves in government will even deny to death—and they are the ones who have the temerity to get mad and act as the victims.

Rapacious politicians don’t feel any iota of shame and embarrassment even if they are regularly bombarded with negative and slanderous commentaries in the social and mainstream media.

In Hiligaynon, it is called kabalan or mga kabalan (thick-faced or thick-skinned), which describes someone insensitive to criticism or insults, unbothered by embarrassment, and not easily offended.

Look at this kabalan Joel Villanueva. He even threatened to sue his accusers and the netizens who criticized him after a DPWH contractor revealed his possible involvement in the P600-million worth of questionable infrastructure projects in Bulacan, where his family members are being hailed as demigods.

If the flood control project anomalies happened in China, dead bodies would be strewn in the Tiananmen Square in Dongcheng, China where corrupt individuals—politicians and private individuals—are paraded for all the people to watch and mowed down by firing squad. 

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In the Philippines, the rascals are able to fly abroad for medical check-up, among other absurd alibis; they are able to create fake media accounts to belie accusations against them even if the accusations are backed by damning pieces of evidence.

They can call a press conference and even bribe some equally corrupt reporters to slant their stories in favor of these hooligans in public service.

They can finance a band of gangsters to participate and disrupt a peaceful protest rally to divert the people’s attention from their shenanigans.

Or they will just give up their positions like Martin Romualdez, the “bondying” (this isn’t our word) of Philippine congress. 

If bondying and his ilk Zaldy Co, et al won’t be jailed, the bondying’s cousin, President Bonget, will most like incur the wrath of irate Filipinos.

Heads must roll. It’s not enough to condemn the gigantic thievery that could reach staggering trillions of pesos if proper accounting of taxpayers’ money stolen by the crocodiles in government has been completed.

Also, it doesn’t mean the alleged malfeasance of the second highest elected official of the land, Sara Duterte, will be forgotten because the people are now laser-focused on the flood control project anomalies. 

All crooks must be exposed and sent to jail. There should be no exemption. There should be no holy cows.

Alex P. Vidal, who is now based in New York City, used to be the editor of two leading daily newspapers in Iloilo.—Editor

The post No dead bodies yet? Of course first appeared on Iloilo Metropolitan Times.